yourworldnews.org | Defending Zimbabwe mid-year review‏

By Obi Egbuna, Jr.

At the behest of Mr. George Charamba, the spokesperson for President Robert Mugabe, who also serves as the Permanent Secretary for Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Information and Publicity, I was asked to identify a platform inside U.S. borders that would be willing to publish some of my writings and interviews that address the political developments on the ground in Zimbabwe. I chose Your World News, not only because of the perspective and content, but since 2009 they have printed every single article I have written that was published in The Herald. From its inception, Your World News has also published every speech President Mugabe has delivered at the United Nations General Assembly, and has interviewed me in my capacity as the U.S. Correspondent to The Herald (Zimbabwe’s National Newspaper) on several occasions. It is for this reason I chose Your World News to publish a special series of articles I have written and special interview I conducted titled Defending Zimbabwe: 2013 Mid-Year Review. I hope the material meets the satisfaction of our comrades in Zimbabwe and Africans and freedom loving people in every corner of the world.

Interview with Roy Agyemang

During his historic trip to at the Pan African Film Festival to Los Angeles, California for the purpose of promoting the epic film Mugabe: Hero or Villain, the producer/director Roy Agyemang and founder of Under The Radar film productions granted the U.S. Correspondent to The Herald, Mr. Obi Egbuna Jr. an exclusive interview concerning the film.

OEJ: Brother Roy thank you so much for granting me the opportunity to have this interview. Please discuss what originally inspired you to do this film in the first place?

RA: It’s very simple yet so complicated. You being in the African diaspora yourself, you understand how colonialism and slavery are responsible for the cultural and social disconnect to our homeland. We
grew up watching Tarzan and even cheering at his slaughtering of our kith and kin. The story of President Mugabe and Zimbabwe is an extension of this paradigm; the negative reporting was unbearable and I just felt something had to be done in the diaspora. This is also a story of young Africans realizing what can come to life if we show more patriotism to Africa and lend our skills and talents to the cause. With that being said I linked up with Garikai Mushambadope who worked on the Africa Desk of Nat West Bank. He became increasingly concerned about his family and childhood friends when White farmers would approach him off the record and ask him to recommend that ties to Zimbabwe should be cut because things had spiraled out of control. I am grateful to Garikai because he wanted to do a piece entitled “At Home with the Mugabes”, but he was humble and a team player and didn’t hesitate to collaborate with me; my experience in television and the arts also influenced his decision. When he got word to people in Zimbabwe, this helped our cause because in my opinion Zimbabweans who remain at home were cautious about engaging Zimbabweans in the UK, especially what started out as a 3 month project became a 3 year project and it took exactly 19 months to interview President Mugabe. The timing couldn’t have been better; the demonization of the man was at its peak and we were not the least bit deterred by the delay it took to interview the President. We talked not only to indigenous Zimbabweans but Whites as well, not only to ZANU-PF members, supporters and sympathizers but both factions of MDC as well. I was mostly in Harare so I made many friends who belonged to MDC. I realized the significance of the project when I would call the UK and people were telling me to be careful because journalists were being persecuted and I would say these are lies and fabrications. They accused me of being bribed by ZANU-PF or intimidated. The clearance by the Media and Information Commission and the Ministry of Information and Publicity went smoothly, which brings into question this notion of a lack of press freedom in Zimbabwe. Lastly I arrived right around the time Heidi Holland’s book, which trashes the President, came out and before that you had Edgar Tekere and Fay Chung’s books and Enos Nkala discussing he would be writing about the death of the national hero Josiah Tongogara.

OEJ: Brother Roy, Africans around the world find President Mugabe’s ability to remain impervious to Western criticism to be one of his most outstanding qualities. Do you share those sentiments?

RA: Look at all the U.S. Presidents and British Prime Ministers who have taken office since President Mugabe has been in power. He survived 11 years in prison, not being allowed temporary release to
bury his first child, he made it thru the 2nd Chimurenga (Zimbabwe’s 14 year protracted armed struggle against Britain and Rhodesia), Gukrahundi which ended in the Unity Accord in 1987 between ZANU and ZAPU led by father Zimbabwe Joshua Nkomo. The President knows the British better than they know themselves. He knows his role in not only Zimbabwean history but African history is totally secure. What appealed to me even more than his ability to let Western insults roll off him like water off a duck’s back is how he approaches self-criticism. I was in awe when I heard him discuss everything from Zimbabwe’s decision to accept the Structural Adjustment Program to improving the feeder roads to the failure to politically educate the born free generation. I came to realize the resiliency of President Mugabe is inextricably linked to the resiliency of the Zimbabwean people. I was there before the Land Reclamation program was completed and Western propaganda peddled the falsehood that only the Zimbabwean elite received land. I think they meant the Rhodesians who had Zimbabwean passports. I only wish people could have seen how President Mugabe campaigned in 2008, well into his 80’s, speaking three hours at rallies and doing two rallies a day. Campaigning not only like a young man but someone new on the horizon and relatively unknown. I said to myself this is why regime change is so hard for the West; in the final analysis President Mugabe did not fit the profile of a traditional African dictator.

OEJ: Brother Roy because you came out of the UK you had to earn the trust of the people. Please explain these dynamics as they pertain to making this epic film.

RA: What brought tears to my eyes was even though they know I was based in the UK, everyone called me Roy from Ghana which means they saw me as who I truly am: a son of Africa. While I found out later in life my family were supporters of Nkrumah, I learned more about Nkrumah from conversations with President Mugabe and Zimbabwe’s old guard then I knew my whole life. I then came to the realization I could not go back and forth to the UK because people would wonder if I am briefing British Intelligence; while Garikai was trusted, I needed to establish trust personally. The light in the eyes of Zimbabweans when discussing Nkrumah made me go home to Ghana, which was a cultural pilgrimage that helped me gain the trust of President Mugabe’s spokesperson. The security always complimented my professionalism. I carried around a very heavy camera and traveled up and down Zimbabwe to get this story I personally believed in because I didn’t behave like I was entitled to interview the President. I utilized my time wisely in the nearly 2 years it took to be granted access to him and won a lot of people over. I did not want to be perceived as an agent or opportunist. The Ministers would cross check with each other before interviewing with me. It was established upfront I would have editorial control. I commend the government and people of Zimbabwe for making me prove myself and I grew leaps and bounds as a person because of this wonderful experience.

OEJ: Brother Roy please share with us if you had a targeted audience in mind when you made this film.

RA: I was concerned that when elders would over intellectualize concerning the Zimbabwe question, it would go over the head of the youth. This film will entertain the youth but at the same time stimulate their intellect. After all President Mugabe is a teacher and he has saved his most valuable lessons for the generation of his great grandchildren. I say that to say we were historically obligated to satisfy the advanced intellect of the elders. We are telling the story of one of the wisest African leaders in modern history. It was Nkrumah who taught us “A people’s history is too often written by its ruling class”. We are targeting the so-called hip hop generation; the ones who think the story of Barack Obama is the only story of an African leader worthy of mentioning to the average Joe in the street. We believe our timing
is perfect. We cannot let the history of Southern Africa be reduced to the history of South Africa.

OEJ: Brother Roy, my final question is how has the film been received in Los Angeles at the Pan African Film Festival?

RA: Let me begin this answer by thanking Danny Glover who oversees the festival for granting us the platform. It demonstrates what makes the arts and film an invaluable medium. I learned his organization, TransAfrica Forum, has been the most outspoken in their criticism of President Mugabe and ZANU-PF. Their Executive Director, Nicole Lee, has even testified at a U.S. Congressional hearing about Zimbabwe a few years back. With that being said he made no comments off the record and treated us very well. When it premiers in Zimbabwe, I hope he comes. We had three showings and the U.S. audience is different from the UK audience. They live thru their films and they bring the film back to life more than the subject matter itself. I have never seen anything like this. We had the honor of receiving the special recognition jury award at the end of the festival. I have done so many interviews I have lost count. I know Zimbabweans focus on Britain first and foremost I now am convinced the movement to defend Zimbabwe and lift sanctions outside of Africa will come out of the U.S. The response is awesome. I have the feeling I will be living out of a suitcase based on the response I have received in the U.S. I want to thank you not only for this interview but for all the help in the States.

OEJ: Thank you Roy. Makoro Koto (congratulations in Shona) on this epic project.

Obi Egbuna Jr. is the US Correspondent to The Herald and a U.S. based member of the Zimbabwe-Cuba Friendship Association. Mr. Egbuna is also a frequent contributor to Your World News. His email is obiegbuna15@gmail.com.

The Danger of Celebrating Malcolm X While Attacking or Ignoring
President Robert Mugabe

By
Obi Egbuna Jr.

It is extremely uplifting to see Africans all over the world commemorate Malcolm X each and every year on February 21^st, which marks the day he was assassinated in the Audubon ballroom in Harlem, USA. While these efforts are very bold and visionary, the time has come to ensure they are linked to the birthday celebrations of Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe who happens to be born that very day. By making this connection we not only put our former colonial and slave masters on notice, our children will grow up understanding how genuine resistance of the past is inextricably linked to present day frontline struggle and they are obligated to set the tone for freedom fighters on the battlefield who are yet to be born. When referring to what they call the “Roaring Twenties”, today’s Western writers, artists and politicians make it their duty to attach a great deal of importance to this moment in their history. We as Africans should also celebrate this particular era with the highest level of enthusiasm, but for an entirely different set of reasons mainly because our history never has been and never will be compatible with Western imperialism’s melting pot. To critically analyze the 1920’s thru the African experience is to never forget when the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey and the UNIA functioned at its peak as an organizational colossus that caused the enemies of progress endless nightmares. This period also reminds us about the beauty of natural birth as we see Brother Malcolm, President Mugabe, Patrice Lumumba, Frantz Fanon and the founder of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe all born within the same time frame. The nuclear families of Malcolm and President Mugabe are both shaped by the British colonialist experience. In the case of Brother Malcolm, his mother Louise Little was born in Grenada and President Mugabe’s father Gabriel Matibili was from Malawi and his mother Bona was of course 100% Zimbabwean. Whenever our people study Malcolm’s life, what stands out is his parents met at a UNIA convention in Montreal, Canada. However many historians make the mistake of highlighting his father Earl was the President of the UNIA division in Omaha, Nebraska, without mentioning his Mother worked on the Negro World, which was the organization’s newspaper, as a correspondent. This is the equivalent of discussing the impact of the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey himself, but forgetting the work of both of his wives Amy Ashwood Garvey and Amy Jacques Garvey or conveniently overlooking that Brother Malcolm and the brilliant playwright and freedom fighter Sister Lorraine Hansberry are both born on May 19th. When we focus on the pivotal role that President Mugabe and ZANU (The Zimbabwean African National Union) played during Zimbabwe’s protracted armed struggle against the British and Rhodesians, the Zimbabweans themselves will never hesitate to remind the world, it is historically incorrect to discuss the 2^nd Chimurenga (Revolution in Shona Zimbabwe’s National language), in isolation from the 1st Chimurenga led by the revolutionary warrior Sister Mbuya Nehanda against the British which occurred in 1896. While President Mugabe’s parents were not involved at an intense level in our liberation struggle as is the case with Brother Malcolm, the fact he was born exactly 9 years after the armed revolt in Malawi led by Reverend John Chilembwe in 1915, provided him the opportunity to identify with a symbol of strength and defiance from the birthplace of his biological father. The formal educational training of Brother Malcolm and President Mugabe differed in form but in essence reinforce an identical social pattern our former colonial and slave masters will only prepare you to function within the established western imperialist paradigm. For Malcolm his aspirations to be a lawyer were crushed by a racist teacher who told him to be realistic about being a nigger, which led him to drop out in the eighth grade, on the other hand President Mugabe was educated in a Jesuit mission under the watchful eye of an Irish Priest named Father O’Hea who took a particular interest in his intellectual development. The Priest is credited with conveying the message to President Mugabe that all human beings must be treated equal and educated to the fulfillment of their abilities, while this fits the classical profile of someone only seeking to carry out God’s will on earth, the question is if President Mugabe and his people were colonial subjects at the mercy of the British how could this be possible? At that moment in Zimbabwe’s history the majority of the indigenous population went only as far as grammar school, so only a select few like President Mugabe whom the teachers at these missions considered an exception to the rule were entitled to receive a quality education, only because Almighty God blessed him with advanced intellectual prowess while his peers would be subjected to exploited manual labor by the colonialists until God called them home.

Both Brother Malcolm and President Mugabe can serve as a model to young African men currently entrapped by the Western prison industrial complex, even though Malcolm’s eight year stint in prison was connected to his involvement in the blue collar crime wave. The most
important point we collectively take away from his individual experience is all the self –hatred in the world could not have prevented him from embracing the teachings of the Nation of Islam under the leadership of the most Honorable Elijah Muhammad. This was possible because that philosophy of the Nation of Islam was an extension of the Garveyite philosophy; both his mother and father instilled this in Brother Malcolm and his siblings before his father was
murdered in cold blood by Ku Klux Klan members and his mother was placed in a mental institution. For President Mugabe, his 11 years in prison were a direct result of his intense involvement in the anti-colonial struggle in Zimbabwe where the youth had come to the
realization that only a protracted armed struggle could liberate their beloved country from the clutches of a colonial army who had controlled our people’s destiny since 1890. As the Zimbabwe’s late Vice President, the Honorable Joseph Msika would always say “The
enemy’s prison either broke your spirit or hardened your resolve”. This point of view reminds Africans born in the U.S. of the militant slogan of the Student Non Violent Coordinating Committee “Jail No Bail”, which sent the message to racist segregationists throughout the South that neither the filth of their prison cells or the terrorism of the prison guards would break the growing momentum of our movement. Another crucial similarity surrounding the imprisonment of both Brother Malcolm and President Mugabe was they both were truly
dedicated to enhancing their intellect. Where Malcolm started with learning every word in the dictionary, President Mugabe earned two law degrees thru correspondent courses.

The political objectivity of both Brother Malcolm and President Mugabe is a very admirable quality that this generation of freedom fighters should not hesitate to adopt. It will make them much more appreciative of all the genuine efforts Africans have made on the frontline of our liberation struggle past and present. The concept of the African United Front was introduced to Brother Malcolm while he was under the tutelage of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, who taught his Ministers and followers our people must either unite or perish. While Brother Malcolm made an eventual departure from the Nation of Islam, he pursued this goal more aggressively in his efforts to build the Organization of Afro-American Unity and Muslim Mosque Incorporated. The Zimbabwean revolution has always been guided by unity; the best example of this is the Patriotic United Front between ZANU and ZAPU during the 2nd Chimurenga, which propelled Zimbabwe to a monumental victory over the 2nd most powerful colonial army ever established on the African continent. The other example worthy of note is the Unity Accord of 1987 between ZANU and ZAPU which occurred at a delicate moment in Zimbabwe’s history: when Britain and the United States were hoping due to the rising tension between both political parties the country would erupt into Civil War. This culture of Unity is so strong in Zimbabwe that it forced the pro U.S.-EU Movement for Democratic Change led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to agree to establish an inclusive government with President Mugabe and ZANU-PF, when the entire world knows MDC is the brainchild of Britain and the U.S. created for one sole purpose to bring about a racist and illegal regime change thru a political coup financed by the blood money of Western imperialism. When future generations of African freedom fighters based in the United States see what the Zimbabweans accomplished thru unity, they will realize that putting the most visible spokespeople of our movement on the same stage at rallies, symposiums, funerals and conferences is, at best, only scratching the surface and becomes merely political entertainment with no meaningful
program if we are not careful. This is why both the previous and current U.S. Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Hussein Obama both reached the conclusion while Zimbabwe is a rather small country it poses a unique problem to the U.S. in Mother Africa.

On the question of Zimbabwe’s historic land reclamation program, affectionately referred to as the 3rd Chimurenga, (where 350,000 indigenous families had territory seized by the war criminal Cecil John Rhodes and the British South African Company from our ancestors in the 1890’s), the Malcolm X we knew and loved would have been front and center defending President Mugabe and ZANU-PF and reminding us what he said in 1963 that “Land is the basis of all independence”. This political outlook would have inevitably put Brother Malcolm on
a collision course with not the members of the Congressional Black Caucus who voted in favor of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001, but the five CBC members who abstained from the vote altogether and let 9 White Republicans and 2 White Democrats take the lead in voting against these sanctions. It also makes all the sense in the world to arrive at the conclusion that Brother Malcolm would have not allowed Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two historic campaigns for the U.S. Presidency to focus so much on ending Apartheid in South
Africa, and not putting equal emphasis on pressuring the Reagan administration to honor the Lancaster House negotiations of 1979 between ZANU-ZAPU, Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and U.S. President Jimmy Carter. While the racist and belligerent attitude of
Reagan was not only disrespectful to President Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, who was affectionately called Father Zimbabwe, it was also a challenge to the anti-apartheid activists and Civil Rights organizations, daring them to stand behind liberation movements, who he felt would be reluctant to defend liberation movements in Southern Africa who won independence by taking up arms as opposed to non-violence and were also unapologetically socialist. Our Palestinians sisters and brothers, whom we unconditionally support in their never-ending struggle against the Zionist State of Israel, are witnessed Jimmy Carter pose as their knight in shining armor when he compared Zionism to Apartheid in Southern Africa not too long ago. The Palestinians should ask Mr. Carter, as they intensify their efforts against Israel, will he abandon them like he did the Zimbabweans at a very crucial part of their revolution? The Africans can follow this up with a question of their own when Reagan sabotaged the Lancaster House agreement: why did Mr. Carter do his best impersonation of Rip Van Winkle and not challenge his successors to honor the promise he made to the Zimbabweans personally? The answer was given to us by Brother Malcolm when he said Democrats are foxes and Republicans are wolves and both belong to the canine family, which means when the Bill Clinton wannabe Tony Blair and his Foreign Secretary Claire Short began aggressively campaigning for a regime change in Zimbabwe, Africans all over the world with one united voice should have told both of them to go to the veterinarian and get treated for ticks and fleas.

Because our history of struggle has sharpened our insight, the predictable maneuvering and overall behavior of our former colonial and slave masters hardly catches our people off guard
anymore, but still keeps us on our toes. The Western imperialist propaganda apparatus tried to con 1990’s grouping of African youth activists, labeled Generation X, into believing that embracing both Malcolm X and Dr. King was not a viable option, meaning they could not learn from the contributions of both of these brave warriors and apply those valuable lessons on the frontline as their efforts increased. Not only did this strategy fail miserably, it helped us
understand that regardless of our political ideological expression or organizational activity, due to the mass character of our resistance, Africans on the frontline will always be under the watchful eye of the U.S. military industrial intelligence police complex. The Zimbabweans, along with our sisters and brothers throughout the southern region of Africa, are no strangers to this political dichotomy. President Mugabe and ZANU-PF, alongside Namibia and Angola, fought defiantly to prevent a re-invasion of the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo) called Operation Sovereign Legitimacy. This was the pet project of the current U.S. Ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice, when she was the Assistant Secretary of African Affairs during Clinton’s second Presidential term.

The biggest opponent to the decision to defend the Congo militarily was none other than the Madiba Nelson Mandela, who at that point in his life was functioning from the understanding that any political conflict could be resolved diplomatically and resorting to violence represented an indifference towards skilled negotiations. Because of the Madiba’s stature on the world stage, his point of view could not be dismissed. But the collective wisdom of President Mugabe, Namibia’s President Sam Nujoma and Angola’s President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, who all were part of protracted armed struggles against the colonizer of their nations and emerged victorious against all odds, could certainly not be diminished or glossed over. The African community worldwide and freedom loving people throughout the planet who have followed the Zimbabwean struggle very closely, can verify it was the powerful combination of Operation Sovereign Legitimacy and the Land Reclamation Program that sent the message to the U.S.-EU Alliance that President Mugabe was going to fulfill his promises to his people no matter what obstacles were in the way.

The Madiba was coerced into using his 91st birthday celebration to take a cheap shot at President Mugabe and ZANU-PF by saying there was a tragic absence of leadership in Zimbabwe. During his Presidency, the Madiba never raised the issue of land for indigenous people of his nation, while on the other hand President Mugabe gave the U.S.-EU alliance 20 years to make good on a promise. In the most ideal scenario Madiba, in his capacity as an elder statesman, should push the current South African Jacob Zuma to reclaim the land, especially since 83% of the land remains in the hands of the former Apartheid rulers. Because the Madiba and President Mugabe both have the distinction of receiving Cuba’s highest honor, the Jose Marti Award, it would be truly unforgettable to see them holding a joint press conference calling for the lifting of U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe and the U.S. blockade on Cuba.

Both Brother Malcolm and President Mugabe had the honor and privilege of setting foot on Ghanaian soil when Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah was in power. After Brother Malcolm visited Ghana in 1964, he referred to Africa’s first independent nation as the fountainhead of Pan
Africanism. For President Mugabe, the time he spent teaching at St. Mary’s College in Takoradi changed his life forever. It made him realize his place of birth could undergo the same revolutionary transformation if the people had the resolve necessary to wage this battle. To President Mugabe’s credit, he did not leave Ghana empty handed. He returned to Southern Rhodesia with a Ghanaian woman who embraced Nkrumah’s position when he said that Ghana’s independence was meaningless unless it’s linked to the independence to the entire continent. This woman was none other than Amai Sally Mugabe, who later became Zimbabwe’s first lady and was the driving force behind organizing and educating the Zimbabwean women. These women eventually were in the frame of mind where they could match and exceed the revolutionary commitment of their male counterparts on the battlefield. In the same manner, Africans all over the planet speak of Brother Malcolm’s wife Sister Betty Shabazz and Dr. King’s wife Sister Coretta Scott King with the utmost respect; mainly because of the manner they held their families together after the tragic loss of their husbands. We owe Amai Sally Mugabe the same courtesy for leaving independent Ghana to help the women of Zimbabwe propel the country to victory. We feel Brother Malcolm would have taken a particular interest in Amai Sally’s project aimed at rehabilitating prostitutes, especially since during his days as “Detroit Red”, he himself sold prostitutes for a living.

While the FBI and CIA were successful in accomplishing their goal of assassinating Brother Malcolm, all 11 attempts to assassinate President Mugabe between 1979 and 1980 came up short including the effort to take his life on the way to Zimbabwe’s independence
celebration on April 18, 1980.

President Mugabe’s ability to last 33 years as Zimbabwe’s leader is historically uncharacteristic, since that distinction is usually reserved for African leaders that embrace Neo-Colonialism ( i.e. Mobutu Sese Seko, Houphouet Boigny, Omar Bongo etc.), the attempts to assassinate his character are deliberate and calculating. At a crucial phase of their 2nd Chimurenga, when they were on the verge of victory, Comrades Herbert Chitepo and Josiah Mangama Tongogara were lost forever. Comrade Chitepo was Zimbabwe’s and ZANU’s equivalent of Mangaliso Sobukwe to PAC and what today is called South Africa, and Comrade Tongogara, along with Thomas Sankara were both called the Ché Guevara of Africa. When Chitepo was assassinated in Zambia, it was none other than Comrade Tongogara, after his name was cleared to the shock of many and who was initially framed and imprisoned, returned to the battlefield completely unfazed by this unfortunate experience. In a shocking turn of events, Comrade Tongogara died en route to Zimbabwe from Mozambique in a car crash. Those painful moments in Zimbabwe’s history, reactionary elements in Zimbabwe have implied President Mugabe was directly responsible for the loss of both of these giants. The leader of the Nation of Islam, the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan can tell all of us if the enemy can’t gun you down, they will not hesitate to accuse you of having direct involvement in the assassination of a freedom fighter the masses of our people hold close to their heart.
One of the boldest statements ever made by Minister Farrakhan is calling on the U.S. government to reopen the trial on Brother Malcolm so the truth can be revealed. This demand by Minister Farrakhan should be matched by Reverends Joseph Lowery, Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, who in return should call for a trial on the assassination of Dr. King even at the expense of the U.S. government deciding to no longer celebrate his birthday as a national holiday, or tear his memorial on the National Mall down with a bulldozer, so we can get to the bottom of the matter at hand. Because we want our resistance to have Pan African and international impact, we can merge this effort with our sisters and brothers in Burkina Faso who are calling for their President Blaise Comporare to be taken before the international criminal court for the assassination of Burkina Faso’s 1st President Thomas Sankara. We must not forget this year marks the 30th anniversary of the assassination of the former Prime Minister of Grenada Maurice Bishop and the 40^th anniversary of the assassination of the founder of the PAIGC in Guinee Bissau, Amilcar Cabral. Our comrades in Guinee Bissau and Grenada still have yet to have closure. As we have the task of ensuring our expression and activity does not mirror the movement of White liberals that move to the left when it’s trendy or convenient to do so, we must treat sanctioning by imperialism with the same urgency we treat traditional warfare. If this is our approach, we pay tribute to Brother Malcolm by fighting to lift U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe and lifting the U.S. blockade on Cuba.
For the historical record, may we never forget Malcolm’s assassination day is the birthday of
Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe. All true warriors are celebrated in life and death.

Obi Egbuna Jr. is the U.S. Correspondent to The Herald and a U.S. based member of the Zimbabwe-Cuba Friendship Association. Mr. Egbuna is also a frequent contributor to Your World News. His email is obiegbuna15@gmail.com.

Analyzing The Success and Impact of President Mugabe’s Documentary

Obi Egbuna Jr.

When Zimbabwe’s delegation came to New York City for the UN General Assembly a few years ago, a rather unique explanation of the discovery that the country now possessed 25% of the world’s diamond reserves infers perhaps that almighty God is a Zimbabwean. While it is possible the most devout believers in all the religious and spiritual disciplines the world have to offer would consider that remark blasphemous and disrespectful, we sincerely hope they see nothing wrong with Africans counting their blessings while defending our sovereignty. Because our former colonial and slave masters have robbed Mother Africa of not only her most precious material resources, we have a rather callous tendency to overlook the impact this has on the human resource. This helps daughters and sons of Africa recognize the connection between overcoming the brain drain and defending the most important historical figures in our liberation struggle past and present. It appears those exact sentiments are what brought Brother Roy Agyemang the Ghanaian filmmaker and founder of Under the Radar Films to Zimbabwe to make the epic film Mugabe: Hero or Villain. The fact that Brother Agyemang took three years to complete the film not only reveals his quest for the truth, but an undeniable blend of patriotism and loyalty that will win him respect both on and off our Mother continent. The manner in which so called African-Americans are embracing Brother Agyemang’s film gives plenty of validity to the point of view that you can take the African out of Africa but can’t take Africa out of the African, especially when they discovered the film was made by an African born in Britain the architect of settler colonialism. In February Brother Agyemang received the Special Jury Recognition Award at the Pan African Film Festival in Los Angeles California, an event that has taken place since 1992 where 150 films from Africa the Caribbean and Latin America are featured every year. The political bonus of this particular award is one of the founders of this event is none other than Danny Glover, who also is the Chairman of the Board of Trans Africa Forum, that along with Africa Action and the Priority for Africa Network developed the Zimbabwe Solidarity Fund, a mechanism that has been used to funnel National Endowment For Democracy money to fourteen civil society groups in Zimbabwe. Mr. Glover is also on the board of the Black AIDS Institute which is recognized as the leading organization fighting against the deadly pandemic in the U.S., who openly refused in 2007 to support a grass roots campaign that raised the issue of Zimbabwe having its applications to Global Fund denied without explanation during the 2^nd, 3^rd, 4^th and 6^th rounds this century.

The fact that this was a case of humanitarian aid being used as a political weapon against Zimbabwe for its Land Reclamation program and its role in Operation Sovereign Legitimacy in the Congo meant nothing to the leader of the Black AIDS Institute Phil Wilson, who went out of his way to persuade other organizations not to support this campaign. Because Mr. Glover is admired and respected all over the world for his commitment to revolutionary culture and social justice, perhaps watching Brother Agyemang’s film will culminate in our brother joining the call for the lifting of U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe. On this question Mr. Glover should seek political distance from NED, the equivalent of earth to the other planets that are part of the solar system. The other significant point about the showing at the Pan African Film Festival was the film was viewed by H.E. Fillipe Avodogo, the Permanent Observer to L.A. Francophone to the UN who, from 2007 to 2011 was Burkina Faso’s Minister of Culture, Tourism and Communications. This means an individual, who is a member of Burkina Faso’s President Blaise Comporare’s government at the time when Burkina Faso lobbied the UN Security Council to impose an additional measure of sanctions on Zimbabwe in 2008 and assassinated Comrade Thomas Sankara, had the opportunity of witnessing Africans in L.A. hail President Mugabe as a hero.

After the Pan African Film Festival, Brother Agyemang was invited to Atlanta, Georgia by former U.S. Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney for a private showing of the film. The event in Atlanta was co-sponsored by Dedon Kamathi host of Freedom Now on KPFK the PACIFICA radio outlet in Los Angeles, California who has been very dedicated to challenging the imperialist media apparatus on the Zimbabwe question. Sister McKinney, who is best known in Zimbabwe for being one of the five members of the Congressional Black Caucus who abstained from voting in favor of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001, has been extremely supportive and encouraging of grass roots efforts to lift the sanctions on Zimbabwe. In 2009 Sister McKinney added her signature to an appeal that was sent to the Obama administration that called not only for the lifting of U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe, but an immediate halt to the initiative to directly finance the Office of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, and in addition demanded an apology to President Mugabe and ZANU-PF for the deployment of U.S. soldiers who fought in Vietnam to aid the Rhodesian army as exposed by Professor Gerald Horne in his masterpiece From the Barrel of the Gun: The United States War Against Zimbabwe. Another excellent article exposing U.S. soldiers fighting with the Rhodesians was featured in the November 1978 issue of a magazine called Southern Africa. The title of the article was “In Zimbabwe, 1000 American mercenaries fight against Africa Liberation” was written by Malik Reaves.

The next stop for Brother Agyemang was Selma, Alabama where the film was featured at the Jubilee Celebration which is an annual celebration of the Bloody Sunday demonstration that occurred on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in 1965. The invitation came from Alabama State Senator Hank Sanders and Attorney Faya Rose Ture who are also the main attorneys in our community involved in the federal lawsuit that presented the courageous plight of so-called African-American farmers before the U.S. government. The film received a standing ovation even though it was shown past midnight. That particular showing had some special guests: the Reverend Jesse Jackson Sr., the Mayor of Tuskegee Johnny Ford and Reverend Al Sampson of SCLC, who was part of a delegation led by the International Representative to the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan Minister Akbar Muhammad that went to Zimbabwe in 2002. It was only earlier that day the symbolic march organized every year in Selma across the Edmund Pettus Bridge was led by none other than U.S. Vice President Joseph Biden, a co-sponsor of ZDERA which reveals what White liberals like Biden understand: the strategic of rubbing shoulders in his spare time with Civil Rights organizers in the South; he will learn not lifting sanctions on Zimbabwe puts him on a collision course with a community he is obligated to diplomatically appease.

From Alabama, Brother Agyemang went back to Atlanta and made a courtesy call to the office of Ambassador Andrew Young whose role at the Lancaster House negotiations in 1979 is featured in the film. The meeting never occurred due to Ambassador Young’s travel schedule. The Ambassador was just sent to Zimbabwe as a special envoy by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, also a co-sponsor of ZDERA to call for the lifting of U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe. This demonstrates that the film is in harmony with the aspirations of the true international community which has helped Zimbabwe weather the storm at a very crucial moment in its 33 year history as an independent country. The next two showings were in New York City. The first in Harlem organized by the December 12^th Movement, one of the main organizations focused on defending Zimbabwe’s honor and sovereignty in the U.S., and the second at NYU (New York University). This invitation was extended by Mr. Omoruyi Austin Aigbe the President of NYU’s Wagner Student Alliance for Africa housed at the Robert F. Wagner School of Public Policy and Ms. Tooni Akanni, 2012 Peace Fellow for the Advocacy Project and the VP for Programming for the African Affairs Committee and the United Nations Association. The Harlem audience comprised of activists who have been connected to Zimbabwe since the 1970’s and represented young Africans at home and abroad thrilled to see Zimbabwe’s story told by a Brother whose experience is identical to their own. It was the propaganda of the Blair administration earlier this century that made Brother Agyemang curious about how Africans in the UK could help Zimbabwe. From New York Brother Agyemang was invited to Oakland, California for the Oakland Film Festival, home to the Black Panther Party of Self Defense which was formed in 1966 the exact year Zimbabwe began the 2^nd Chimurenga (Revolution) and Namibia launched its armed struggle against the Germans. This invitation was arranged by Brother J.R. Valrey, a radio host on PACIFICA’s radio station in Oakland. There were three separate showings in Oakland and one more showing at the American Film Institute in Los Angeles, where the film was slated next to a documentary about Rhythm and Blues icon Whitney Houston and a film about Iceberg Slim, a pimp who became a world acclaimed author. The event was organized by the Black Association of Documentary Filmmakers. This film has provided Brother Agyemang platforms in places where President Mugabe himself is not allowed to visit, even if invited because the sanctions do not permit him to travel 25 kilometers outside of New York City. The documentary also helps address another dynamic as it pertains to Africans born in the U.S. enhancing their understanding of the political, economic and social landscape of Southern Africa. Those under 30 years of age are spoon fed the story of Nelson Mandela and the ANC and the histories of Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and Mozambique are treated like mere ripples in the water. Because Brother Agyemang was given rare access to President Mugabe, he already arrived at the conclusion that Zimbabwe’s most bitter detractors would dismiss the film. All he has asked is for the film to be viewed objectively and for the forces who have promoted the documentaries that have demonized President Mugabe and ZANU-PF not to engage in a smear campaign of this film because it is not compatible with those pieces.

The three main pieces that have been promoted by the U.S.-EU alliance are Tapestries of Hope, directed by Michaelene Cristini Risley, Robert Mugabe: What Happened directed by Simon Bright and Zimbabwe Countdown directed by Michael Raeburn who also directed Rhodesia Countdown. The documentary Tapestries of Hope tells the story of Betty Makoni of the Girl Child Network which was shown in 100 theatres across the U.S., which resulted in Mrs. Makoni being named one of the 150 women who shake the world by Newsweek magazine. The Girl Child Network also has the distinction of being one of the 350 civil society groups financed by the Open Society initiative of George Soros. In addition to having access to this anti-African pool of wealth, at the same time 65% of the farming in Zimbabwe’s rural areas are spearheaded by women which reverses the trend of our land being raped and being utilized for women’s empowerment when bravery and creativity of this sort is necessary to whether the storm against the sanctions. The question must be raised why Mrs. Makoni has not aggressively used the platforms available to her by Western media and NGOs abroad to address the sanctions or met with Vice President Amai Joyce Mujuru and the Minister of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development Olivia Muchena to discuss a joint strategy to generate support from women all over the world to lift the sanctions. The other point worthy of mention is for the sake of respecting our history, when will Mrs. Makoni acknowledge the work of the late Vice President and National Hero Amai Sally Mugabe, aimed at rehabilitating prostitutes and how her efforts concerning children with HIV-AIDS, cholera, malaria and physical disabilities laid the groundwork for June 16^th being recognized as the Day of the African Child worldwide? When discussing his documentary Robert Mugabe What Happened, Mr. Bright made the statement “The turbulent history of Zimbabwe is a fascinating thriller but a tragic one”. He goes on to say the President’s life represents a Shakespearian rise and fall. This verbiage comes from a man of European ancestry who was in the Ministry of Agriculture, which reveals he represents the contingent of Europeans who considered Zimbabwe Africa’s paradise until the Land Reclamation program came full circle and now one cannot distinguish Simon Bright from the Rhodesian war criminal Roy Bennett. The documentary done by Mr. Bright received some rather peculiar endorsements. The first one was from the Archbishop of the Anglican Church in Canterbury who, since the 21^st century began, has done everything from manipulating a split of the Anglican Church in Zimbabwe, to using Archbishop Desmond Tutu as a mouthpiece to attack President Mugabe and ZANU-PF. The second was from Virgin Airline Tycoon Sir Richard Branson, who in addition to creating the Elders Group has reached a conclusion that Zimbabwe, under the leadership of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai will give him a permanent stranglehold on Zimbabwe’s ministry of tourism. The indigenous Zimbabweans Mr. Bright chose to feature were disgruntled war veterans like James Chikarema and national hero Edgar Tekere who, before making his transition, was extremely bitter and reckless when discussing President Mugabe and ZANU-PF. The most comedic aspect of Mr. Bright’s account of his film is describing President Mugabe’s decline in the context of being knighted by the Queen and what transpired in connection to Zimbabwe being suspended from the Commonwealth, which implies Africans should view President Mugabe through the historical lens of British imperialism. The next individual is MDC-T member Morgan Mutasa who stated the film is very well researched. What Mr. Bright fails to realize is his account of President Mugabe is an extension of the Rhodesian special branch he claims followed his Mother when she taught secondary school in Zimbabwe during the Colonial era. The third film Zimbabwe Countdown by Michael Raeburn is perhaps the most politically devious of all. When the film debuted in London it was double billed with Rhodesian Countdown which is the film that brought Mr. Raeburn to prominence as a filmmaker in 1968. The objective of British and the U.S. this entire century has been to propagate the notion Zimbabwe, under President Mugabe, is even worse than Rhodesia was under Ian Smith. In order to make this ridiculous slant stick in anyone’s minds, it is a prerequisite that individuals who lived in Zimbabwe are willing to convince the world that political power corrupted President Mugabe and ZANU-PF.

For Mr. Raeburn who authored a book called BlackFire which portrays President Mugabe as his personal hero, but in order receive awards like Le Monde and Les Inrockuptbles in France and the Beyond The Borders Prize in 2003, he had to portray the President in a manner that would have the Sunday Times describe this hatchet job as “Acerbic and Hard Hitting A Savage Indictment”. If people don’t know Zimbabwe’s history, Mr. Raeburn could manipulate their lack of knowledge beginning with his biographical account of how he was born in Egypt and how his Mother is part Egyptian and his Father is British and how he moved to Zimbabwe at three years old. When Zimbabwe’s history is studied we see a very disturbing trend of outsiders like Mr. Raeburn and Mr. Bright and Fay Chung pretending to be one with the government, revolution and people, only to launch scathing attacks on the leadership if what they deem to be the right political opportunity presents himself.

This is exactly what makes Brother Agyemang’s film so powerful. He represents a detour from the type of opportunism that has become the norm when our stories are depicted in this era of civilian neo-colonialism. The irony is Brother Agyemang, if he was Zimbabwean, would be classified as a born free, a term used to describe Zimbabweans born after April 18, 1980. A generation that Zimbabweans themselves acknowledge did not receive the proper ideological training after their triumphant 2^nd Chimurenga, but function from the basic premise Zimbabweans can define their future and resolve their disputes without external interference. Because Brother Agyemang’s family are Ghanaians who left Ghana after Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah’s government was ousted by a CIA coup, he has said on several occasions directing a film about President Mugabe is his special way of showing gratitude to Nkrumah, something he was too young to have the opportunity to do personally. Brother Agyemang has also discussed how President Mugabe’s account of his days teaching at St. Mary’s College in Takoradi, Ghana and meeting his first wife Amai Sally Mugabe changed his life forever and helped reinforce to him that leaving Britain to come to Zimbabwe was not only politically but morally the correct thing to do. While it appears that Brother Agyemang has already reached a conclusion on whether President Mugabe is a hero or villain, we believe future generations will be grateful that he used the medium of film not only to pose such an important question but in a very creative manner alerted us it is not an option but our historical obligation.

The Political Significance of Andrew Young’s Visit to Zimbabwe

Obi Egbuna Jr.

During the month of April, the former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations and Civil/Human Rights icon Andrew Young was dispatched to Zimbabwe by the Obama Administration to deliver a message straight from the lips of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry. The message was “The U.S. wants to see full normalization of bilateral relations following credible non-violent elections that reflect the will of the people”. Because of the personal history between Ambassador Young and President Mugabe, which is rooted in respect and appreciation due to what both men have contributed to our never ending struggle for liberation and human dignity, we as Africans need not worry that a scenario where the concept referred to as “kill the messenger” is applicable in this situation. It should be clear for Africans at home and abroad to see that this visit was diplomatically sensitive for Ambassador Young because he has always supported President Mugabe and ZANU-PF. In 2001 when speaking to ZBC during a visit to Zimbabwe he said “Mugabe’s critics act as if Mugabe has not been elected and forget that who rules the country is the prerogative of Zimbabweans. After all Mugabe has better mandate than Bush”. The challenge Ambassador Young has is to convince the Obama administration that normalized relations begins with openly acknowledging that maintaining the regime change agenda of the Bush administration, presented the government and people of Zimbabwe with more challenges than the existing tension between President Mugabe and ZANU-PF and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s faction of MDC.

For U.S. President Barack Obama the decision to extend ZDERA (The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001) every March since his first Presidential term cannot be discussed intelligently. In isolation of a letter he wrote to his predecessor George W. Bush in March of 2007 when he was on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, urging Mr. Bush not to lift sanctions on Zimbabwe until the dark cloud of Robert Mugabe was removed from power. This forces Africans worldwide to look at how President Obama’s inner circle views President Mugabe and ZANU-PF; both Vice President Biden, Secretary Kerry and his predecessor Hillary Rodham Clinton are co-sponsors of ZDERA. The current U.S. Ambassador to Botswana Michelle Gavin who, prior to this post was in charge of the Africa desk at the National Security Council, cut her teeth on the Zimbabwe question by writing a position paper as a fellow with the Council of Foreign Relations entitled “Planning for Post Mugabe Zimbabwe”. We then come to perhaps the most abrasive individual in the Obama administration when it comes to Zimbabwe, Ambassador Johnnie Carson, who was the Ambassador to Zimbabwe under the Clinton administration. Ambassador Carson has had public confrontations with not only President Mugabe, but Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to the U.S. Ambassador Machivenyika Mapuranga. The circle of doom ends with Ambassador Susan Rice who did her doctorate on Zimbabwe and appears to hold President Mugabe and ZANU-PF responsible for foiling her pet project Operation Sovereign Legitimacy, which was an initiative to re-invade the Congo in 1999, when she was the Assistant Secretary for African Affairs during former U.S. President Bill Clinton.

The diplomatic portfolio of Ambassador Young not only puts him in a strategic decision to advise the Obama administration on how to repair the damages that ZDERA has done to Zimbabwe, but he can personally identify the organizations and institutional frameworks who can develop and maintain people to people relations with Zimbabwe. During his tenure as Mayor of Atlanta, Ambassador Young attracted 70 billion dollars of private investment to Atlanta. This provides him a platform to persuade both the National Conference of Black Mayors and the World Conference of Black Mayors to set up sister city projects in Zimbabwe. Because Ambassador Young was a former member of the U.S. Congress and one of the central figures in the movement that forced the U.S. Government to establish the Voting Rights Act of 1965, he can sit down with the chairman of Congressional Black Caucus Congressman Emmanuel Cleaver and the entire CBC and persuade them not only to issue a public apology to the people of Zimbabwe for coming 5 votes short of voting unanimously for the sanctions, but have them persuade the Obama administration to work with the EU to develop a restoration package aimed at repairing the damages sanctions did to Zimbabwe’s basic infrastructure. This should take into account the amount of women, men and children who were sent to an early grave, hospitals and schools that were compromised, and lastly the agricultural and public work sectors that are crucial to every country on earth. Another platform Ambassador Young has at his disposal is the National Council of Churches, an organization he once presided over, gives him the opportunity to address the confusion created by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who a few years ago had the audacity to say in Zimbabwe a military option should not be ruled out. However, Archbishop Tutu never publicly advocated armed struggle at any point of the Apartheid era. A few years ago, Archbishop Tutu had Due to Archbishop Tutu’s status, this reckless statement made thousands of churches worldwide who, under normal circumstances would love to come to Zimbabwe and do missionary work, increasingly apprehensive because of the picture painted by Bishop Tutu and his British counterpart Roland Williams, the Archbishop of the Anglican Church in Canterbury, England. The only statement made by a man of God that was more ridiculous than the one made by Archbishop Tutu was by the former Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo Pius Ncube who publicly prayed for President Mugabe’s death.

In 2010, during their national conference, the Corporate Council of Africa announced publicly they were establishing a Zimbabwe working group which is financed by General Electric. This is something Ambassador Young can help monitor effectively since in 1994 Madiba Nelson Mandela and Bill Clinton named him the Chair of the Southern Africa Enterprise Development Fund. Because the U.S. private sector has always functioned within the established political paradigm laid out by the White House, Congress and Senate, in the final analysis their political loyalty is to their government, even if it means they bite the bullet on a business deal abroad. For this reason Ambassador Young should publicly request a list of U.S. businesses that have provided financial support to the Tsvangirai faction of MDC since their inception. Another thought provoking statement Ambassador Young made concerning Zimbabwe in 2001 was “President Mugabe is doing a better job than the British are doing in managing Ireland”. This was timely because during the Blair administration, it was none other than the Foreign Secretary of Britain Claire Short who, when telling President Mugabe Mr. Blair felt the Lancaster Agreement was obsolete, paid lip service to her Irish ancestry.

One can only imagine how Ambassador Young felt when he watched his ex-boss, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, attempt to force his way into Zimbabwe at the end of 2008 under the guise of a fact finding mission conducted by the Elders Group that consisted of other high profile private citizens like Nelson Mandela, Graca Marcel Mandela, Kofi Annan and Desmond Tutu. It would have been a very powerful statement if Mr. Carter accompanied Ambassador Young to Zimbabwe and joined him in the call to lift U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe. This would have been a more compelling move than when he compared the Zionist State of Israel to Apartheid in Southern Africa. If the African community in the U.S. who vote 95% Democrat had pressured Mr. Carter to demand that all U.S. Presidents who preceded him honor the commitment he made to President Mugabe and the people of Zimbabwe during the Lancaster House Negotiations, the historic Land Reclamation Program of 2000 that awarded land to 350,000 families in Zimbabwe would not have been necessary. As a diplomat par excellence, Ambassador Young raised the issue in 2002 that during the Land Reclamation Program in Zimbabwe only, 8 White commercial farmers lost their lives in comparison to 300 in South Africa due to 83% of the land that was still in the hands of the former Apartheid rulers. This was extremely valuable insight when we take into consideration that before the Global Political Agreement between ZANU-PF and both factions of MDC, the U.S. State Department had an emergency broadcast on their website that instructed U.S. citizens that non-essential visits to Zimbabwe should be deferred due to political violence on the ground. The goal of that broadcast had a two-fold purpose, first to control the flow of U.S. Citizens especially so-called African Americans to Zimbabwe who were action to witness the Land Reclamation program in motion, but even more politically notorious propagate the notion that the peaceful and tranquil atmosphere visitors would witness after the GPA was established did not exist prior to Prime Minister Tsvangirai sharing power in government. Another piece of valuable insight Ambassador Young has given grass roots organizers in the U.S. since 2002 that are passionate about the Zimbabwe question is to follow the lead of SADC (Southern African Development Community) and use the pressure on Zimbabwe as an opportunity to strengthen ties with the entire region. The unwavering support Zimbabwe has received from SADC has helped them weather the storm during an extremely difficult period in the country’s history. While Ambassador Young’s efforts to lift U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe have been primarily behind the scenes, the government and people of Zimbabwe will always view him as a marathoner in the struggle to defend their natural sovereignty in the belly of the beast.

The Role of the Zimbabwe Diaspora Network in the Struggle against the Brain Drain

Obi Egbuna Jr.

While Africans in every corner of the world were celebrating African Liberation Day, the Zimbabwe Diaspora Network of North America were in Dallas, Texas discussing the future of each other’s families, community and important of all their beloved country. The ZDN hosted a high level delegation that came from Zimbabwe to attend this historic gathering led by the Permanent Secretary of Higher and Tertiary Education Dr. Washington Mbidzo, also present were representatives from The Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines, Zimbabwe Investment Authority, Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, and The Institute of People Management of Zimbabwe. The ZDN organized forums and gatherings in Washington DC, Atlanta, Georgia and finally Dallas, Texas, the working program began on May 16^th and concluded on May 27^th 2013. The delegation led by Dr. Mbidzo began their visit by paying a courtesy visit to the Embassy of Zimbabwe in Washington DC, where the Zimbabwe Ambassador to the United States H.E. Dr. Machivenyika Mapuranga hosted a reception in their honor, the Ambassador eloquently stated that the gathering clearly demonstrated that the embassy is home to all Zimbabweans regardless of their political loyalties and affiliations. The Ambassador went on to highlight that the program of the ZDN in the final analysis benefits all Zimbabweans, and lays an extremely solid foundation long after those who fought gallantly during the 2^nd Chimurenga are no longer with us in the flesh. The remarks by Dr. Mbidzo focused primarily on the fact that the vision of ZDN is firmly rooted in its architects understanding the connection between education and patriotism, Dr. Mbidzo went on to say the creation of ZDN shatters the notion that Zimbabweans have abandoned their country for a life of opulence and luxury in the Western World.

The timing of ZDN and their overall objective is just what the doctor ordered, watching citizens of any African nation create an organization that looks beyond ideological differences to provide technical support and investment for their people, sends a statement to the Western world that they are not the least bit deterred by the efforts to demonize President Mugabe and ZANU-PF. During the 21^st century the Zimbabwean Diaspora has reached 3 million people, in the United States only Ghana, Kenya and Nigeria have more citizens currently inside its borders, which raises a rather compelling question, How do citizens of a nation where violence runs so rampant due to political intolerance create an organization with this type focus and concentration? The founder of the US chapter Mr. Norbert Mugwagwa works for the World Bank and the coordinator of The Zimbabwe Diaspora Home Interface is coordinated by none other than Ibbo Mandaza of Sapes Trust who in the 21^st century has made a variety of assertions that include everything from accusing President Mugabe and ZANU-PF of using electronic equipment from the Israeli intelligence agency MOSSAD to rig the 2008 Presidential elections, lacking a coherent ideological compass, and having the CIO(Zimbabwe’s intelligence bureau) of strong arming his newspaper the Zimbabwe Mirror.

In the same manner Ambassador Mapuranga reminded the ZDN network that the Embassy is open to all Zimbabweans not just members of ZANU-PF, it is glaringly obvious that ZDN cannot be viewed as an extension of the Tsvangirai faction of MDC or the civil society groups on the payroll of the National Endowment for Democracy, National Democratic Institute or the Open Society Initiative.

While the non-partisan character of ZDN is one of its most appealing attributes, it is virtually impossible to deny that both the Land Reclamation and Indiginization programs of President Mugabe and ZANU-PF make it possible for the projects and initiatives not only to flourish but meet maximum potential. The makeup and composition of ZDN puts its membership in a rather unique position not only to reverse the brain drain in Zimbabwe, but dispel the myth that Zimbabweans unanimously agreed to abandon their country due to political strife and turmoil. This cycle sets the tone for foreign investment to not only return to Zimbabwe with enthusiasm to do business with the indigenous people, and sends an emphatic statement that Zimbabwe’s doors are only closed to those who have rape and plunder in their hearts and minds. The ZDN has received blessings from all groupings representing Zimbabwe’s political spectrum, which include Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, Finance Minister Tendai Biti who belongs to the Tsvangirai faction of MDC, we also must factor in that the delegation to the US was led by Dr. Mbidzo who will go down in Zimbabwean history as one of the most important architects when it comes to laying the foundation for Zimbabwe Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education.

U.S. State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs Holds Meeting Concerning Zimbabwe Elections

Obi Egbuna Jr.

On Friday July 26¸ 2013 in what was described as an informal off the record meeting with the leadership of the Africa Bureau of the State Department, the upcoming Presidential election in Zimbabwe was discussed in the context of key democracy and election challenges in Africa.

The meeting was chaired by the acting Assistant Secretary of African Affairs Mr. Donald Yamamoto who, prior to this post, was the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs from August 2009 to March 29, 2013. The invitation that went out to a select few stated this meeting was the 21^st concerning the political tide on our Mother continent as a whole, at the same exact moment Africans are sending a message to the West that political power without economic control is a recipe for disaster.

Because Mr. Yamamoto is replacing Ambassador Johnnie Carson, whose personal distaste for President Mugabe and ZANU-PF was a matter of public record, it is only natural if Zimbabweans in particular and Africans as a whole are a tad bit curious whether Mr. Yamamoto will assume the anti-Zimbabwe baton from Ambassador Carson the way his predecessor maintained the hostile posture established by Jendayi Frazier, who while serving the Bush administration, advised former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to include Zimbabwe on her list of outpost of tyranny.

When Africans born and raised in the U.S. reach the level of political sophistication where they see U.S. Domestic and Foreign policy as one in the same, they will ask themselves why the first U.S. President of African ancestry selected a gentleman of Asian ancestry to be his administration’s spokesperson on Africa. In an attempt to look at our situation through the eyes of our former colonial and slave masters, they may have reached a conclusion someone of Asian ancestry is best suited to sabotage the current alliance between African and Asian nations. That could lead to breaking Western Europe’s monstrous grip on our Mother continent. Before Mr. Yamamoto reached the top of the ladder in the State Department, he was the U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia from 2006 to 2009, the U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti from 2000-2003 and the Deputy Director for East African Affairs from 1998 to 2000. Before this Mr. Yamamoto worked in Eritrea as “charge d’affaires” at the U.S. Embassy Asmara in the Horn of Africa.

Because this particular gathering was off the record, which means while U.S. Imperialism gives the world the impression their diplomatic and intelligence portfolio is completely overt, many of the policymakers are suffering from post-cold war syndrome. We can focus in on Mr. Yamamoto’s remarks concerning Zimbabwe at a U.S. Senate Hearing on June 18, 2013.

The most intriguing statement Mr. Yamamoto made that afternoon was “The U.S. shares the same fundamental interest as the people of Zimbabwe, a stable peaceful democratic Zimbabwe that reflects the will of her people and provides for their needs.” What Mr. Yamamoto already knows is that the majority of Zimbabweans want to left alone to resolve their own political differences, without having its former colonial master Britain and those who arrogantly and recklessly have aided them in their quest to force a regime change in Zimbabwe for the first 13 years of this century, continue to meddle in their political affairs.

Since Mr. Yamamoto has spent a significant portion of his diplomatic career in East Africa, Africa’s most chaotic region, he will find it immensely difficult to exaggerate about political violence in Zimbabwe. If Mr. Yamamoto is an honest man he will have to openly acknowledge Zimbabwe is more peaceful than any country in Africa; he has represented his government diplomatically.

One of the worst diplomatic blunders made by the U.S. State Department concerning Zimbabwe this century was having an emergency broadcast that read for U.S. citizens, non-essential travel should be deferred due to violence. When the inclusive government was formed and travel from the U.S. to Zimbabwe increased, visitors representing everyone from businesspeople to NGOS recognized the violence described by imperialist mouthpieces like the Voice of America to Amnesty International could never be cleaned up that quickly.

The next point made by Mr. Yamamoto was “Zimbabwe must decide whether it will support a credible, electoral politics or continue to repress its people and isolate itself from the international community”. One of the key awards Mr. Yamomoto has received in his diplomatic career was the Robert Frasure Memorial Award for advancing conflict resolution in Africa. Mr. Frasure was once the Director of the National Security Council’s Africa desk who is credited in U.S. Diplomatic circles as playing a crucial role in the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola and the path that led to Namibia’s independence. It was none other than Mr. Frasure, when discussing U.S. policy on Namibia, who said to “allow Namibia to return to the anonymity it so richly deserves”. This reckless gibberish often propagated by U.S. diplomats does the Zimbabwe question an absolute disservice for two reasons, one being it reeks of White Supremacy and geographical chauvinism and secondly it deliberately ignores the position of the African Union and the Non-Aligned Movement who have demanded repeatedly that U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe should be lifted once and for all.

When Mr. Yamamoto stated when discussing the elections in Zimbabwe “as elections approach however reports indicate that elements within Zimbabwean political parties and government security agencies have already begun efforts to intimidate voters and illicitly shape the outcome of the elections”. When Zimbabweans and their comrades who completely embrace their cause, write about the political challenges they had to overcome during this historical period, a significant portion will be dedicated to the U.S.-EU alliance discrediting the authenticity of the electoral process for the purpose of forcing a regime change on the ground. The question Mr. Yamamoto should attempt to tackle is why the U.S. State Department has attempted to either suppress or ignore every favorable report concerning elections in Zimbabwe since 2002. Once this has been dealt with, Mr. Yamamoto can share with not only with Zimbabweans but the entire African continent and diaspora how he dares to be different.

The next point of discussion for Mr. Yamamoto was the 2011 roadmap of SADC which focused on Zimbabwe’s new constitution and key reforms focused on voter education, voter registration and inspection of voter’s rolls. The other reforms Mr. Yamomoto mentioned were reforms of the public order and security act, media reforms and security sector reforms that will put the credibility of the outcome at risk.

Because the Frasure award Mr. Yamomoto received was for advancing conflict resolution, he has to acknowledge the masterful job SADC has done in dealing with the Zimbabwe situation, which has been facilitated with the U.S.-EU alliance on the outside looking in. During the Bush administration the decision was made not to have open dialogue with SADC in Washington, when it became abundantly clear that Southern Africa as a region would not be diplomatically intimidated by Western super powers and hegemony when discussing Zimbabwe.

After Mr. Yamamoto discussed the human resources in Zimbabwe he stated “we are also profoundly troubled by the lack of transparency within the diamond sector and the possibilities for illicit diamond sales in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean people deserve to benefit from Zimbabwe’s diamond fields and the millions of carats and dollars that they likely hold”. When Western diplomats give their take on current events anywhere on our beloved Mother continent, it is no coincidence these commentaries are devoid of their history of raping and plundering our sacred land. We refuse to discuss the fact Zimbabwe has 25% of the world’s diamond reserves in isolation from the activity of bandits like Oppenheimer, DeBeers and the Anglo American Corporation. What this does is send a message loud and clear that the leadership and rank and file members of Global Witness, in their air conditioned offices in Washington and London cannot have the last words on blood diamonds not only in Zimbabwe but any grain of African soil. The inferences made in Washington that only ZANU-PF leadership are benefiting from the diamonds is an extension of the propaganda that only President Mugabe’s cronies received land when the Land Reclamation program began in 2000. This time around we won’t wait for the University of Edinborough or the New York Times to tell the truth to the world 10 years down the line. One of Zimbabwe’s blessings is to have a head of state that is impervious to efforts to demonize his government and people. The final statement by Mr. Yamamoto was “we are prepared to consider steps to further roll back sanctions and expand trade and investment between our countries, however peaceful, transparent and credible elections verified by a broad range of international observers must take place”. Because Mr. Yamomoto, like the former Secretary of State Colin Powell, who due to his capacity formerly announced to the world the confirmation of ZDERA, is a graduate of the National War College, it would come as no surprise if Mr. Yamomoto and General Powell eventually break bread for the purpose to justify the U.S.-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe. Mr. Yamomoto must realize that Zimbabweans have the voice of Frederick Douglass in their heads when he said “power concedes nothing without demand”, when nearly 3 million people signed a petition demanding that U.S.-EU sanctions be lifted at once; it wasn’t a request.

This means this issue is not going to be left up to the prerogative of London and Washington’s leadership. If Zimbabweans left their destiny to Ian Smith, he would as he eloquently stated started the conversation perhaps in 1000 years.

History Has Absolved Zimbabwe

Obi Egbuna Jr.

As the entire nation of Zimbabwe is actively participating in the annual Heroes Day that takes place every August 11^th, no aspect of the countrywide celebration will invoke the fighting spirit of the great warriors buried at the National Heroes Acre. Even more than the political statement made by the everyday people during the latest Presidential elections recently held on July 31^st. One of the most predictable characteristics of our former colonial and slave masters is their inability to openly and willingly accept defeat. Before Zimbabwean women, children and men could have a proper celebration, the U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry could not resist the opportunity to dismiss the credibility of the final results and outcome. Some would say in order to defend the banner of White supremacy and the quest for global domination; he was simply doing his job.

The first remark made by Secretary Kerry was “Zimbabweans voted in their country’s first national elections since 2008. These elections were an opportunity to move forward on a democratic path and provide foundation for growth and prosperity”. The next remark made by Secretary Kerry was “The people of Zimbabwe should be commended for rejecting violence and showing their commitment to the democratic process. But make no mistake: in light of substantial irregularities reported by domestic and regional observers, the United States does not believe that the results announced today represent a credible expression of the will of the Zimbabwean People”. The third remark was “though the United States was restricted from monitoring these elections, the balance of evidence indicates that today’s announcement was the culmination of a deeply flawed process, the parties had unequal access to the State media, there were irregularities in the provision and composition of the voters roll, the security sector did not safeguard the electoral process on an even handed basis”.

We as Africans do not have to remind Secretary Kerry that what is going in Zimbabwe is a microcosm of a continent wide dynamic. The late Pan Africanist Kwame Ture never got tired of reminding us “Africa is the richest continent on Earth yet we are the poorest people on Earth”, and when it comes to surrendering control of our material resources, U.S.-EU Imperialism has a severe case of separation anxiety. What Secretary Kerry needs to recognize is Zimbabweans voted to ensure that those who stand on top of the soil control everything under the soil. What Senator Kerry must understand is what Zimbabweans reject more than anything are the gross depictions of their beloved nation, especially when it comes to the gross exaggerations of violence on the ground whether its comes from a U.S. State Department emergency broadcast, or an MDC-T Parliamentarian Sekai Holland who, while serving on the Ministry of Reconciliation and National Healing, told an audience of Zimbabweans in Washington DC that Zimbabwe was as violent as Rwanda.

This explains why once the Arab Spring began in Egypt, Prime Minister Tsvangirai openly stated he would like to see those efforts duplicated in Zimbabwe by his most loyal followers. At that moment Zimbabwe was only four years removed from the Save Zimbabwe Campaign, which had been characterized by MDC-T as a civil disobedience effort until they started throwing petrol bombs at police stations and public transportation terminals. Before SZC Zimbabweans remembered the manner in how after the 2005 parliamentary elections Tsvangirai called on South Africa to shut off the utilities in Zimbabwe as an act of protest and when the MDC parliamentarian Trudy Stevenson was almost beaten to death in 2006. The other diplomatic blunder by Prime Minister Tsvangirai in 2011 was during the UN General Assembly when he attempted to upstage the delegation led by President Mugabe and ZANU-PF, by traveling to Washington and Chicago alone, only to receive the cold shoulder by his benefactors because they could not put Zimbabwe on the center stage when world leaders were gathered in their backyard.

What angers Secretary Kerry and his colleagues in Washington even more than the recent election results in Zimbabwe is many of them now realize that helping their kith and kin in Britain create and maintain MDC and could arguably be the worst political investment they have ever made when looking back at the U.S. government’s Africa policy in the modern era. This forces both the Bush and Obama administrations to acknowledge two things; the first being their pathological hatred for President Mugabe and ZANU-PF clouted their better judgment, and perhaps an even more bitter pill to for Washington and Britain to swallow is that in the 21^st century they were taken to school by a wise and seasoned politician named Robert Gabriel Mugabe.

A veteran politician like Secretary Kerry clearly understands it is far more challenging to attack the credibility of a country’s election process, as opposed to slandering a head of state whose country has no track record of routinely having elections, which when it comes to Zimbabwe is simply not the case. The harsh reality for the U.S.-EU alliance is that dismissing the election results was the only option left, because in the final analysis they knew Tsvangirai was never Presidential material and the U.S.-EU laboratory is out completely of Morgan Tsvangirai makeover schemes. During the 2008 elections, the editor in chief of Newsnet Tazzen Mandiziva spoke to an elder Zimbabwean police officer who alleged that during the 2^nd Chimurenga, Tsvangirai was indeed an informant for the British and Rhodesians. He then became the face of ZCTU (Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unionists) continuing the legacy of the original Zimbabwean CIA Trade Union plant Reuben Jamila, after the U.S.-EU alliance created MDC Tsvangirai was chosen to promote civilian neo-colonialism in Zimbabwe. When the Inclusive Government/Global Political Agreement was formed in 2009, Secretary Kerry was the chair of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee and already knew Tsvangirai becoming Prime Minister was a recipe for disaster because he couldn’t advocate for regime change or the maintenance of U.S.-EU sanctions on a government he was now officially not just a part of, but was second in command.

The historical record shows Secretary Kerry wasn’t even willing to put everything on the line and contest the 2004 U.S. Presidential election he lost to George W. Bush, in which so-called African Americans who, because they vote 95% Democrat, vehemently supported him, considered the vote rigged and feel Kerry betrayed them. He must really underestimate the intelligence of Zimbabweans by giving the impression he is genuinely concerned about the people and nation’s well-being.

If Secretary Kerry truly believes the U.S. was not given enough access to the elections in Zimbabwe, the first question he should answer is how much he believes his government is entitled to? The second question is why the inclusive government, the civil society groups and most importantly the citizens of the nation did not consider U.S. participation a crucial ingredient needed for the process to flourish? The truth of the matter is when we look at the fact that the Zimbabwe Election Support Network is financed by the National Democratic Institute, the National Endowment for Democracy finances an additional 14 civil society groups and the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition has 350 civil society groups bought and paid for by the Open Society Initiative controlled by Billionaire George Soros; to make the assertion that his government was restricted when groupings without U.S. blood money would cease to exist were strategically positioned throughout the country.

What Secretary Kerry must have been referring to was Zimbabwe’s decision to deny the Carter Center, which is the brainchild of former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, its request for observer status to the elections. A rather strong argument could be made that the cause behind the existing diplomatic hostility between the Zimbabwean and U.S. governments rests on the shoulders of none other than President Carter. When President Reagan informed the world he had no intention whatsoever of honoring the Lancaster House Agreement in 1979 that was cemented by President Carter and Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, the man who reinvented himself as a crusader for world peace found it convenient to look the other way. While the Carter Center’s claim to fame is having observed 94 elections in 37 countries, the former U.S. President’s involvement in Zimbabwe displays a 30 year trend of bad judgment and political miscalculations. When Zimbabweans and Africans look at Secretary Kerry, they see a co-sponsor of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act, which means on the Zimbabwe question he blends right in with his colleagues in the Obama administration. There isn’t a member of President Obama’s inner circle who didn’t want to see Zimbabwe’s Former Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai emerge victorious and become the 2^nd President in the country’s 33 year history. The other stone Secretary Kerry threw from his glass house in Washington was his claim that the parties had unequal access to state media; this challenges not only Zimbabweans but Africans worldwide to do a comparative analysis between Zimbabwe’s media apparatus, to those operated by the African neo-colonialist dictators who had direct pipelines to the Western Imperialist world. Does Secretary Kerry expect the entire world to believe that during their reigns of terror, pro- west war criminals like Mobutu Sese Seko of the Congo, Houphouet Boigny of Cote Divoire, and Bokassa of the Central African Republic had allowed the press more freedom than President Mugabe and ZANU-PF do in Zimbabwe?

At the same time Africans who reside inside U.S. borders have waged a struggle for over 20 years that forced the U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder to announce that the U.S. Department of Justice will avoid charging certain low level and non-violent drug offenders with crimes that carry mandatory minimums. We as daughters and sons of Africa must demand that Mr. Holder, who is the face of the U.S. Homeland Security apparatus, explain the 2011 CIA fact book report on Zimbabwe. The report claims Zimbabwe is a “transit point for Cannabis and South African heroin, Mandrax and methamphetamines en route to South Africa”. The next claim is “Zimbabwe is a source, transit and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purpose of forced labor and sexual exploitation, some victims of forced prostitution and subsequently transported across the border to South Africa where they continued exploitation. Zimbabwean men, women and children are subjected to forced labor in agriculture and service in domestic and rural areas, as well as domestic servitude and sex trafficking in cities and towns”. The objective of this report was to provide MDC-T additional ammunition during the original time slot for elections in Zimbabwe, which was in 2011. Since MDC-T could no longer dismiss the results of the Land Reclamation Program, the last desperate measure was to convince the African world that Zimbabweans had to be forced to work on farms stolen from our ancestors in 1890. Those of us who remember the German fairy tale Snow White can paraphrase and ask the question “Mirror Mirror on the wall who” has the most fallacious report about Zimbabwe of all? Our biggest challenge would be to select the final contestants and a winner.

During the 2008 elections Zimbabweans remember The Washington Post reporter Craig Timberg claims that President Mugabe and Vice President Mujuru were planning a campaign of violence against MDC-T. In 2011, New York Times reporter Nicholas Christoff sneaked into Zimbabwe on a tourist visa and claimed to talk to Zimbabweans who longed for the days of Rhodesia. Back in 2005, UN envoy Anna Tiabujuka falsified a report on Operation Murambatsvina which was supposed to pave the way for Kofi Annan, then the UN Secretary General, to lend his voice to the call for a regime change in Zimbabwe.

If Secretary Kerry would have won his 2004 quest for the U.S. Presidency, he would have been the 3^rd wealthiest President in U.S. history. This pool of wealth is completely autonomous to that of his wife Teresa Heinz Kerry who, according to Forbes magazine, is worth anywhere between $750 million to $3.2 U.S. billion dollars. Kerry himself has personal assets worth somewhere between $230 million to $320 million U.S. dollars. At a moment in world history where there are 1,456 billionaires on one hand and 1 billion hungry people on the same planet, it comes as no surprise that a beneficiary of the ruling class paradigm like Secretary Kerry would thumb his nose at an African Head of State who seeks to put his country’s wealth in the hands of the people. Another platform for Secretary Kerry to utilize for the purpose of discrediting President Mugabe and ZANU-PF is the Council of Foreign Relations, which both Secretary Kerry and his daughter Vanessa belong to; they can spend some quality father-daughter time while planning President Mugabe and ZANU-PF’s demise.

The Zimbabwe people have not forgotten when Secretary Kerry was the chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, he was one of the first members of the U.S. government to vote for the “no fly zone” on Libya, which means it is highly probable that Secretary Kerry still harbors resentment against President Mugabe and ZANU-PF for being the most outspoken voice on the African continent on the Libyan question. This put Zimbabwe and the U.S. government, diplomatically speaking on a collision course when addressing the barbaric and cowardly manner that the Obama administration, in conjunction with NATO, attempted to wipe Libya completely off the face of the earth. During the Vietnam War, Secretary Kerry received the Silver Star, the Bronze Star and three Purple Hearts. However when he returned to the United States, he became the spokespersons for Vietnam Veterans against the war. Due to this background, it would be interesting to get Secretary Kerry’s take on the pipeline U.S. trained soldiers/mercenaries who went from Vietnam to Zimbabwe to aid the Rhodesians in their quest to maintain control over their land and people.

What Secretary Kerry and the Obama administration realize is on a continental level, the aspirations of the Zimbabwean people are not the exception on the contrary; they represent the norm. Because our former colonial and slave masters are students of history, they realize that the 14 year attempt at orchestrating a political coup in Zimbabwe is the same amount of time that President Mugabe and ZANU-PF needed to dismantle and overthrow the second most powerful colonial army dismantled on the African continent. The annals of modern African history will read whether it was at the ballot box or the battlefield President Mugabe and ZANU-PF were too much for the U.S.-EU alliance to handle.

Obi Egbuna is the U.S. correspondent to The Herald and a U.S. based member of the Zimbabwe-Cuba Friendship Association. Obi is also frequently published on Your World News his email address is obiegbuna15@gmail.com.